The semantic interplay of negation and focus or scalar implicatures confuses linguists for long time. Construction where constituent negation (CN) and comparative interact (no more than 10), in English gets only equative interpretation (...#(x) = 10...) as a result of truth-condition interpretation (...#(x) ≤ 10...) composed with strengthened scalar implicatures (¬∃x[#(x) < 10...]). Unlike comparative in interaction with verbal negation (VN) (not more than 10) allows the weak truth-condition reading (...#(x) ≤ 10...). In this talk, I deal with such types of construction in Czech which are presumably ambiguous between the equative and interval reading. To check this assumption I constructed an experiment with Czech native speakers. The experiment has provided evidence that there isn't strict difference between CN and VN in interaction with comparatives in Czech (unlike English). On the other hand, it has showed difference between acceptability of sentence to the equative context and interval context.